Welcome to Kerala Assembly Elections 2026, where democracy once again proves it has a remarkable tolerance for déjà vu. The Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) and Kerala Election Watch have studied the self-sworn affidavits of 863 candidates (because transparency works best when candidates confess themselves). What they found reads less like an election report and more like a reminder that old habits don’t just die—they contest elections repeatedly.
Out of 883 candidates in the fray, national parties dominate the scene, followed by state parties, smaller registered outfits and a healthy crop of independents, proving that in Kerala, political ambition is truly inclusive.
Yet when it comes to criminal backgrounds, inclusivity reaches new heights. Of the 863 candidates analysed, 324—or a very stable 38 percent—have declared criminal cases. Interestingly, this figure is exactly the same as in 2021, suggesting that political reform has been put safely on “mute” mode.
Things get more serious when we zoom in. As many as 201 candidates, or nearly a quarter of the field, have declared serious criminal cases, up from 18 percent in the previous election. So while the overall numbers haven’t changed much, the gravity certainly has. Progress, Kerala-style.
Major parties, meanwhile, have shown admirable consistency. A large majority of candidates from almost all leading parties have criminal cases, with figures ranging from “concerning” to “perfect score.” In some parties, nearly every candidate analysed has declared criminal cases, proving that experience really does matter—as long as it’s courtroom experience. When it comes to serious criminal cases, the numbers remain equally impressive, firmly establishing that politics is one career where allegations don’t hurt employability.
The affidavits also reveal that 15 candidates face cases related to crimes against women, including one involving repeated rape under IPC Section 376(2)(n). On the action-thriller side of politics, four candidates have declared murder cases, while another 13 are charged with attempted murder. Kerala voters clearly have a wide genre to choose from: legal drama, crime thriller, or courtroom saga.
Back in 2020, the Supreme Court had politely asked political parties to explain why they keep fielding candidates with criminal backgrounds instead of cleaner alternatives. In theory, parties were supposed to cite merit and achievements. In practice, past elections show reasons like “popular leader” or “does social work” doing most of the heavy lifting. The 2026 data confirms that the instructions have had about the same impact as a speed limit sign on an empty highway. Roughly 38 percent of candidates with criminal cases continue to receive tickets, reminding us that guidelines are optional when tradition is strong.
Money, of course, remains democracy’s favourite silent partner. Of the candidates analysed, 339—or 39 percent—are crorepatis, a sharp jump from 27 percent in 2021. Every major party has ensured that wealth remains well-represented, with a majority of their candidates declaring assets above Rs 1 crore. Politics, after all, is expensive, and merit apparently comes with a healthy bank balance.
Put together, the 863 candidates own assets worth Rs 2,403 crore, with an average of Rs 2.78 crore per candidate. That’s a significant rise from the 2021 average of Rs 1.69 crore. Some parties clearly believe in thinking big, with average assets per candidate running into several crores and, in a few cases, approaching figures that would make investment bankers blush. That said, eight candidates have bravely declared zero assets, proving that austerity still has a few loyal followers.
Education levels present a mixed picture. Nearly half the candidates have studied between Class 5 and Class 12, while almost the same number are graduates or above. A handful are diploma holders, a few are just literate, and one candidate stands proudly illiterate, making the field academically diverse if nothing else. Age-wise, most candidates fall in the 41–60 bracket, with nearly a quarter over 60, suggesting that political retirement is clearly a foreign concept.
Women continue to be underrepresented, with just 11 percent of candidates being female—unchanged from 2021, because consistency matters. Meanwhile, 104 sitting MLAs are seeking re-election, and their asset declarations reveal a healthy growth rate. Their average assets have risen from Rs 3.56 crore in 2021 to Rs 4.30 crore in 2026, an average increase of Rs 74 lakh per MLA, or 21 percent in five years. Clearly, democracy can be quite rewarding.
Finally, in 59 out of Kerala’s 140 constituencies, voters will be choosing from at least three candidates with criminal cases, turning polling day into something of a legal quiz show.
All in all, the Kerala Assembly Elections 2026 demonstrate that while faces may change, patterns remain reassuringly familiar. Criminal cases persist, wealth multiplies, women remain few, and reform continues to wait patiently outside the counting hall. Democracy, it seems, is alive, well, and perfectly comfortable as it is.
